Vidéo de 2min18 (YouTube). Extrait du film: "Adopted". Une mère dit qu'élever un enfant adoptif n'est pas pareil qu'élever un enfant biologique.
Pour plus de détails, voir le site: Adopted The Movie
18 août 2008
Dr. Richard Boas speaks on Korean unwed moms -
"Dr Boas est un parent adoptif d'une jeune fille de la Corée. Il avait l'habitude de promouvoir les adoptions internationales, mais après son premier voyage en Corée, il a soudainement fait un virage de 180 degré et il a investi beaucoup de temps, d'argent et d'énergie dans le soutien mamans coréennes célibataires au cours des deux dernières années. Il a créé un réseau de support pour les mères célibataires en Corée (Korean Unwed Mothers Support Network). Il a également été un merveilleux auditeur à l'adulte a adoptées et a mon plus grand respect." J. J. Trenka (du site YouTube)
Voir aussi l'article American adoptive father launches campain to help unwed Korean moms dans Korea.net
Le vidéo suivant est le discours de Dr Boas à l'Institut du développement des femmes coréennes (Korean Women's Development Institute, KWDI), le jeudi le 14 août 2008.
Voici son discours écrit en plein texte (provient du site TRACK) Voir plus bas pour la traduction du discours.
Good afternoon. I’m honoured to speak at today’s KWDI forum. I’m founder and director of The Korean Unwed Mothers Support Network that advocates for and raises the visibility of the issue of the difficult situation of unwed Korean mothers and their children. In addition, I have established at Norwalk Hospital, in Connecticut, as well as Connecticut Hospice, funds that assist cancer patients and their families. I am a Board Member of The Charter Oak Challenge Foundation, which issues to address issues of poverty and lack of quality education in Bridgeport Connecticut, one of the poorest cities in the States.
In 1987, my wife and I already had two wonderful children, and we wished to have a third child. We decided to adopt from Korea, as we understood that children there born to unwed mothers faced a difficult future, especially girls. By adopting, we hoped to give a child a better life in the States. In addition, we understood that Korea and US had the world’s best developed system of intercountry adoption. Esther was born at Pusan in October 1987 and came to us three and a half months later.
For many years, I have been an ophthalmologist specializing in glaucoma, a potentially blinding disease. It was most rewarding yet I wished to help people in a different way.
In 2005, I learned that many local families could not adopt due to steep and rising costs. I was especially moved by their desire to adopt siblings of children already adopted, also special needs children. I was truly grateful to Family and Children’s Agency in Connecticut (FCA) and Social Welfare Society in Seoul (SWS) for bringing us our child and wanted to be able to help other families adopt, as we did.
I began meeting with other adoptive families in my area. Together, we started The Adoption Foundation at FCA. While I was with the Foundation, we aided about fifteen families. It was truly gratifying to review applications from families, and make grants that would help them adopt.
I believed in our work, and wanted to do everything I could to promote it, so I asked to join the FCA social workers on their trip to Korea on October 2006, at my expense.
The trip changed me completely.
I was not prepared for my reaction to holding infants (some as young as four days old), meeting special needs children, visiting sick children in the hospital, and seeing a three month-old boy and his foster mom. These children had been relinquished by their unmarried mothers, and therefore orphaned. However, I was deeply moved by dozen young women in SWS facility in Daegu. All were approximately 18-24 years old, all were pregnant and unmarried and every single one of these mothers had already agreed to give up her child. Suddenly, I realized that 20 years ago, Esther’s mother was one of these women, and Esther was one of these orphans. And I had the answer to a question that had bothered me since adopting Esther; I had not recognized or validated the woman who gave birth to my child, nor the relationship between them.
I had strongly supported adoption from Korea. However, I realized that I had been blind to the circumstances of unwed Korean mothers, their children and families, and the possible negative effects of adoption, especially international adoption, on mother and child. Seventy percent of unmarried Korean mothers give up their children. The US figure is 2%. Why the disparity? Is this truly necessary? More importantly, isn’t it the right of any loving, capable mother to bring up her child, if she chooses, not only in Korea, but anywhere in the world? The women I met in Daegu, and Esther’s mother Young Ja before them, had painfully relinquished their children, especially with no societal alternative.
With my thinking sharply changed, I returned home, asking: How can I, an American adoptive parent, help so that the best interests of unmarried Korean mothers and their children are met? Is there a role that I should play, would it make a difference, and would it be accepted and embraced by Korean society? If a woman chooses to keep and raise her child, how can I help increase the likelihood that she will be able to do this? Should she choose to place her child for adoption, how may I help her? If Esther had been born last week, what would have been the right things to do for her and her mother?
Adoption from Korea sharply increased over 50 years ago as a valid response to the needs of war orphans and children fathered by American servicemen. Adoption continues for completely different reasons. Some overseas adoption may always be necessary. However, why isn’t Korea, a democracy with the world’s 12 largest economy, helping its own? Why isn’t it doing everything it can to help unmarried women keep and raise their children, if they choose? These brave women deserve all the help they can get!
Stunned, I left the pro-international adoption foundation I helped to start. Instead, I began to focus on unwed Korean moms and their children. My hope was that I could do something to help Koreans positively address this issue.
An unwed Korean woman and her child endure social stigma, hostility, alienation from her family, insufficient childrearing resources, and lack of government support. Even though there is a father, the mother is told that since she created he problem, she must solve it, alone. If the mothers give up her child for adoption – which she usually does, she is faced with guilt and shame for the rest of her life. I love my daughter, and as grateful as I am that Esther became my daughter, it pains me to see any woman give up her child because family, society and government will not support her – just as Esther was given up by her mother. I have met many Koreans who feel guilty about this issue, but who seem unwilling or unable to change it.
I respect and understand that Koreans have a five thousand year history, with patriarchal traditions that stress blood lineage and a stigma against unmarried mothers and their children. This longstanding stigma is largely supported by current public policy.
It is important for me to help make more visible the difficult situation of unwed mothers and their children, and educate, inform, promote discussion, even debate, and serve as a resource in the hope that Korans positively address the issue, in their own way. Koreans have a wonderful opportunity to embrace these mothers and children.
This is my fifth trip to Korea in less than two years. I have engaged in a number of activities which include, but are not limited to, support Ae Ran Won, which aids unwed mothers and their children, support The Korean Women’s Workers Association, Korean Women’s Associations United, as well as Hanbumo – which all provide advocacy and support for older single mothers. It is also my pleasure to support research to be undertaken by the KWDI, on a range of issues concerning unwed mothers.
I came to Korea this time to continue my ongoing work, and future may hold return trips, I hope, to work with my friends and colleagues in this wonderful country.
Thank you.
Traduction:
Bonjour. Je suis honoré de prendre la parole au forum de KWDI d'aujourd'hui. Je suis fondateur et directeur de The Korean Unwed Mothers Support Network (Le réseau de support des mères célibataires coréennes) qui prône et élève la visibilité de la question de la difficile situation des mères célibataires coréennes et de leurs enfants. De plus, j'ai créé à l'hôpital de Norwalk, au Connecticut, ainsi qu'à l'hospice de Connecticut, les fonds qui aident les patients atteints de cancer et leurs familles. Je suis un membre du conseil d'administration de la Charte Challenge Oak Foundation, qui aborde les problèmes de la pauvreté et le manque d'une éducation de qualité à Bridgeport dans le Connecticut, une des villes les plus pauvres aux États-Unis.
En 1987, ma femme et moi avions déjà eu deux merveilleux enfants, et nous souhaitions avoir un troisième enfant. Nous avons décidé d'adopter de la Corée, car nous avions compris que les enfants nés de mères célibataires faisaient face à un avenir difficile, en particulier les filles. En adoptant, nous espérions donner à un enfant une vie meilleure aux États-Unis. De plus, nous avions compris que la Corée et les États-Unis avaient développé les meilleurs systèmes d'adoption internationale au monde. Esther est née à Pusan en Octobre 1987 et est venue à nous trois mois et demi plus tard.
Pendant de nombreuses années, j'ai été un ophtalmologiste spécialisé dans le glaucome, une maladie qui peut rendre potentiellement aveugle. C'était gratifiant pourtant je souhaitais aider les gens d'une manière différente.
En 2005, j'ai appris que de nombreuses familles locales ne pouvaient adopter en raison d'une hausse exorbitante des coûts. J'ai été particulièrement ému par leur désir d'adopter des frères et sœurs des enfants déjà adoptés, également des enfants avec des besoins spéciaux. J'étais vraiment reconnaissante envers Family and Children’s Agency (FCA)dans le Connecticut et à Social Welfare Society dans Séoul (SWS)de nous amener nos enfants et je voulais être en mesure d'aider d'autres familles à adopter, comme nous l'avons fait.
J'ai commencé des rencontres avec d'autres familles adoptives dans ma région. Ensemble, nous avons commencé l'Adopted Fondation à FCA. Alors que j'étais avec la Fondation, nous avons aidé une quinzaine de familles. C'était vraiment gratifiant d'examiner les demandes des familles, et donner des subventions qui les aidaient à adopter.
Je croyais en notre travail, et je voulais faire tout mon possible pour le promouvoir, alors j'ai demandé de me joindre aux travailleurs sociaux de FCA pour leur voyage en Corée, en Octobre 2006, à mes frais.
Le voyage m'a complètement changé.
Je n'étais pas prêt à ma réaction à tenir des enfants (certains âgés d'à peine quatre jours), à rencontre des enfants avec des besoins spéciaux, de visiter des enfants malades à l'hôpital, et de voir un garçon âgé de trois mois et sa mère d'accueil. Ces enfants avaient été abandonnés par leurs mères célibataires, et donc étaient rendus orphelins. Toutefois, j'ai été profondément ému par une douzaine de jeunes femmes dans le service de SWS à Daegu. Elles toutes âgées d'environ 18-24 ans, toutes étaient enceintes et non mariées, et chacune de ces mères avait déjà accepté de renoncer à son enfant. Tout à coup, je me suis rendu compte que 20 ans plus tôt, la mère d'Esther était l'une de ces femmes, et Esther était l'une de ces orphelins. Et j'ai eu la réponse à une question qui m'avait toujours tracassé depuis l'adoption d'Esther; je n'avais pas reconnu ou validé la femme qui a donné naissance à mon enfant, ni la relation entre elles.
J'avais fortement appuyé l'adoption de la Corée. Toutefois, je me suis rendu compte que j'avais été aveugle aux circonstances des mères célibataires coréennes, leurs enfants et les familles, et les éventuels effets négatifs de l'adoption, en particulier l'adoption internationale, sur la mère et l'enfant. Soixante-dix pour cent des mères célibataires coréennes abandonnent leurs enfants. Les États-Unis chiffrent à 2%. Pourquoi cette disparité? Est-ce vraiment nécessaire? Plus important encore, n'est-ce pas le droit de toute mère aimante et capable d'élever son enfant, si elle choisit, non seulement en Corée, mais partout dans le monde? Les femmes que j'ai rencontrées à Daegu, et Young Ja, la mère d'Esther avant elles, ont douloureusement renoncé à leurs enfants, en particulier sans alternative de la société.
Avec ma pensée brusquement changé, je suis retourné la maison, posant la question suivante: Comment puis-je, un parent adoptif américain, aider afin que les meilleurs intérêts des mères célibataires et de leurs enfants soient rencontrés? Existe-t-il un rôle que je devais jouer, faudrait-il faire une différence, et serait-il accepté et adopté par la société coréenne? Si une femme choisit de garder et d'élever son enfant, comment puis-je aider à augmenter la probabilité qu'elle sera en mesure de le faire? Si elle devait choisir de placer son enfant pour l'adoption, comment pourrais-je l'aider? Si Esther était née la semaine dernière, quelle aurait été la bonne chose à faire pour elle et sa mère?
L'adoption de la Corée a augmenté il y a plus de 50 ans comme une réponse valable aux besoins des orphelins de guerre et des enfants engendrés par les militaires américains. L'adoption continue pour des raisons complètement différentes. Certaines adoptions internationales pourraient toujours être nécessaires. Toutefois, pourquoi la Corée, avec un pays démocratique avec la 12 plus grandes économie au monde, n'aide-t-elle pas ses propres citoyens? Pourquoi ne fait-elle pas tout ce qu'elle peut pour aider les femmes célibataires à garder et élever leurs enfants, si elles le souhaitent? Ces femmes courageuses méritent toute l'aide qu'elles peuvent obtenir!
Étourdi, j'ai quitté la fondation de pro-adoption internationale que j'avais aidé à démarrer. Au lieu de cela, j'ai commencé à mettre l'accent sur les mères célibataires coréennes et de leurs enfants. Mon espoir est que je pouvais faire quelque chose pour aider les Coréens à faire positivement face à ce problème.
Une femme coréenne célibataire et son enfant subissent la stigmatisation sociale, l'hostilité, l'aliénation de sa famille, l'insuffisance des ressources pour élever son enfant, et le manque de soutien gouvernemental. Même s'il y a un père, la mère se fait dire que puisqu'elle a créé le problème, elle doit le résoudre, à elle seule. Si la mère abandonne son enfant pour adoption - c'est ce qu'elle fait habituellement, elle est confrontée à la culpabilité et la honte pour le reste de sa vie. J'aime ma fille, et aussi reconnaissant que je sois que Esther soit devenue ma fille, ça me fait souffrir de voir une femme abandonner son enfant parce que la famille, la société et le gouvernement ne la supportera pas - tout comme Esther a été abandonnée par sa mère. J'ai rencontré beaucoup de Coréens qui se sentent coupables à ce sujet, mais qui semblent ne pas vouloir ou ne pas pouvoir le changer.
Je respecte et comprends que les Coréens ont une durée d'histoire de cinq mille ans, avec des traditions patriarcales soulignent la lignée de sang et une stigmatisation à l'encontre des mères célibataires et de leurs enfants. Cette stigmatisation de longue date est largement soutenue par les politiques publiques actuelles.
Il est important pour moi de contribuer à rendre plus visible la situation difficile des mères célibataires et leurs enfants, et d'éduquer, d'informer, de promouvoir des discussions, même débat, et de servir de ressources dans l'espoir que les Coréens traiteront positivement le problème, à leur manière. Les Coréens ont une merveilleuse occasion d'entourer ces mères et ces enfants.
C'est mon cinquième voyage en Corée en moins de deux ans. J'ai entrepris un certain nombre d'activités qui comprennent (mais ne sont pas limités à): le soutien de Ae Ran Won, qui aide les mères célibataires et leurs enfants, le soutien de Korean Women's Worker's Association, Korean Women’s Associations United, ainsi que Hanbumo -qui tous fournissent soutien aux mères célibataires âgées. J'ai également le plaisir de soutenir la recherche qui sera entreprise par KWDI, sur un éventail de questions concernant les mères célibataires.
Je suis venu en Corée cette fois-ci pour poursuivre mes travaux en cours, l'avenir contiendra des voyages de retour, j'espère, pour travailler avec mes amis et collègues dans ce merveilleux pays. Merci.
17 août 2008
Overseas Korean adoption has roots in history, scholar says
Traduction de l'article Overseas Korean adoption has roots in history, scholar says dans Yonhap News
Kim Young-gyo
SÉOUL, 1 août 2008 (Yonhap) - En 1972, à l'âge d'un an, Tobias Hubinette a été amené de son lien de naissance en Corée du Sud à Suède, où il a été élevé par un couple suédois. Aujourd'hui, il fait partie des quelques boursiers universitaires recherchant sur les causes à long terme et les conséquences du programme d'adoption transnationale en Corée.
"Dès que vous commencez à examiner les questions d'adoption en Corée, vous serez immédiatement confrontés à d'autres problèmes, beaucoup plus gros, qui doivent être résolus", a déclaré Hubinette dans un interview avec Yonhap News Agency.
Hubinette a reçu son doctorat en études coréennes de l'Université de Stockholm en 2005 et travaille actuellement comme chercheur au Centre multiculturel de Stockholm.
"Quand les politiciens ou les responsables politiques commencent à regarder à la question d'adoption, elle devient trop importante. Elle est liée à tant d'autres choses en Corée. Ce n'est pas (seulement) à propos des gens qu'ils ont envoyés au loin. Ça semble l'être en surface. La raison pour laquelle ils (les adoptés coréens) sont là-bas est là. Elle a de profondes racines dans l'histoire", a-t-il dit, "C'est une question très inconfortable à traiter." Selon le ministère sud-coréen de la Santé et du Bien-Être, 161202 enfants ont été envoyés à l'étranger pour l'adoption à partir de la fin de la guerre de Corée en 1953 à 2006.
Une traduction coréenne de la thèse de Hubinette complétée à l'Université de Stockholm, intitulée "Comforting an Orphaned Nation: Representations of International Adoption and Adopted Koreans in Korean Popular Culture" (Consoler une nation orpheline: représentations de l'adoption internationale et des coréens adoptés dans la culture populaire coréenne), sera publiée en Corée du Sud le mois prochain.
"Le livre est une nouvelle évaluation post-coloniale de la façon dont la Corée du Sud a représenté l'adoption internationale et les adoptés", a- t-il déclaré.
"Les adoptés sont utilisés comme symboles pour la Corée, qui reste très traumatisée par la colonisation (du Japon) , la guerre de Corée, la division nationale et l'occupation de l'armée américaine", a-t-il dit. "Les Coréens adoptés sont symboles d'une nation rompue et fragmentée."
Hubinette était à Séoul cette semaine, parlant à une conférence annuelle pour les adoptés coréens outre-mer, où il aide à promouvoir l'organisation Truth and Reconciliation for the Adoptee Community of Korea (TRACK), (Vérité et Réconciliation pour la communauté d'adoptés de la Corée), fondée à Séoul.
Lancé en 2007, TRACK a été établi comme un projet d'histoire et d'information pour guérir la relation entre les adoptés outre-mer et la société coréenne. TRACK espère qu'en révélant les problèmes dans le programme coréen d'adoption, les droits des enfants coréens et des familles seront mieux préservés dans l'avenir.
«Je suis un des membres fondateurs de TRACK. Elle est basée sur les idées de mon livre, essayant d'établir un lien entre l'adoption et d'autres problèmes sociaux en Corée du Sud, incluant les inégalités entre les sexes et les droits des enfants," a dit Hubinette à Yonhap.
"Avec le parrainage fiscal d'une ONG sud-coréenne et les conseillers des universités locales et la Commission "Truth and Reconciliation", TRACK a réussi emmener six cas d'adoptions internationales douteuses datant des années 1970-1980 devant la Commission coréenne "Anti-Corruption et Droits Civils" a dit Hubinette.
Sur les six cas, quatre demandes concernaient des Coréens adoptés qui ont déclaré avoir été envoyés à l'étranger pour adoption sans le consentement de leurs mères, qu'ils ont découvert 
à l'âge adulte après avoir été réunis avec leurs familles coréennes.
Le rapport final du bureau des droits civils montre que les Services Sociaux de la Corée ont confirmé que deux ont été envoyés par cette agence sans le consentement de leurs mères.
Toutefois, dans le même rapport, la mère et le père de deux enfants ont fait valoir qu'ils n'ont pas abandonné leurs enfants, mais l'agence d'adoption Holt a réitéré sa position que les enfants avaient été abandonnés.
"Les autres cas incluaient de fausses déclarations sur l'historique sociale des enfants aux parents adoptifs et le droit des adoptés à accéder à leurs propres renseignements personnels" a dit Hubinette.
"En plus d'enquêter sur ces cas, TRACK prévoit également de créer des archives et une bibliothèque de documents relatifs à l'adoption transnationale de la Corée du Sud", a déclaré Hubinette.
L'année dernière, le nombre d'enfants sud-coréens adoptés l'échelle nationale a dépassé les adoptions outre-mer pour la première fois depuis la fin des années 1960. En 2007, la Corée du Sud a envoyé à l'étranger 1388 enfants, 52,3 pour cent de 2652 enfants.
On entend souvent dire que bien que l'adoption nationale est préférable à l'adoption internationale, séparer les enfants de leur mère à cause du statut célibataire de la mère est discriminatoire.
14 août 2008
Saints or sinners? You decide.
du site de Vance Twins.
Par Janine Vance
A Brief Historical Overview of the Life and Times of Harry and Bertha Holt and the Origin of International Adoption.
Bertha Marian Holt was born in 1905 to Clifford and Eva Holt. She married Harry Holt, a first cousin (Mark Baker, 2006), on December 31, 1927 and eventually they had six children together. In 1954, Harry and Bertha Holt were convinced that God had sent them on a mission to obtain and raise eight South Korean-born Amerasian (American-Korean or mixed-race) children, in addition to the Holts own. (p. 4 & 8) By Autumn of 1955, hundreds of fellow Americans visited the Holt farm in Oregon each week “begging” for a child. The public’s main interest was to “see what the children look like” since they, too, were considering adoption. (p. 9) There was so much media attention that the Holts continued to receive at least 50 daily letters and applications from every state but two. They used this national interest to publicize their loyalty to Christianity. Due to being evangelists and “born-again” Christians, it was the Holts’ desire and priority to give the Korean-born Amerasian children to Christians only. (p. 12)
The Holts used an inexpensive and efficient procedure called “Adoption by Proxy,” considered (what the Holt’s called) a Christian “triumph” against the United States Government. (p. 12) The wanting Christian couple would give Harry Power of Attorney. He would then represent their desires and obtain the children under Korean law. The children would finally come to the U.S. as sons and daughters belonging to the wanting couples. Determined to fill the demand of numerous letters from wanting adopters, the Holts set up post in Seoul hoping to get their hands on more children. Famous friend and reverend, Billy Graham, dedicated their Reception Center. By Christmas of 1955, the Holts receive “thousands” of letters, including 50 inquiries for children each day for a week. (p. 12)
The Holts mention some minor setbacks in 1955. Many established missionaries in Seoul had already reserved the children for their friends. (p. 12) Also, some Korean mothers wanted to wait for the return of their children’s American fathers instead of agreeing to release their children. Other problems came in the form of letters or crank calls, accusing Harry of bringing home “slant-eyed Orientals” or “slant-eyed monsters.” (p. 13) Harry and Bertha dismissed the issue of racism when it came to the incoming children, not realizing that it existed and that it could become the crux of many issues for the inter-racial adoptee to face, isolated. They also did not recognize that their biological daughter made a racially insensitive remark when she affectionately called a Korean-Black child “monkey-face.” (p. 28)
The biggest upset for adoptees and adoptive parents, when reading Bertha Holt’s book Bring My Sons from Afar published by Holt International Children’s Services, was to learn that the Holt’s had called the children “orphans” even though the Holts had collected the children from mothers and they continue to do so today. According to Bertha memoir, in 1954 Harry Holt (with the help of a Korean liaison or a team of followers) actually “hunted” for Amerasian children and “talked to mothers,” sometimes showing photos of children in the United States, while passing out religious pamphlets. (p. 13) Harry wrote that one mother was almost hysterical when taking her child off her back. (p. 16) She misunderstood Harry’s intention, believing that she would be able to stay in touch with her child. The mother didn’t realize that adoption was, as Harry Holt told Bertha, according to her book, “a clean break and forever.” (p. 13)
1956 "Having Trouble Finding Little Ones"
Harry mentions how a “sobbing” mother unable to speak, was “afraid” to give him her baby and some children were “kicking and screaming.” He attempted to comfort the mothers by preaching to them his Christian beliefs, leading many to believe that they would be rewarded by God for giving away their children. After Holt took the children, he sent them to his compound, labeling and showing them as “orphans” in the West so he could send them overseas via the Orphan Bill, a process that he and his cohorts introduced to Congress. The Orphan Bill gave the impression that the children were parentless. This was a lie. Early on, Harry had set up a non-profit bank account and called it “Orphan Foundation Fund” (p. 18) so he could take tax-deductible donations from fellow Americans to help fund the Holt’s desires. Gifts to this account helped to enlarge what would become their empire.
The American Social Agency “denounced” proxy adoptions “furiously” and the Holts perceived opposition or criticisms as “devilish schemes,” accusing the American agency of printing “propaganda” against overseas adoption. (p. 16) Bertha even complained in her memoir that due to the long governmental process, some Korean mothers took their children back home even though the Holts had already assigned these children to American couples. She believed legislatures were “shameful” for making adoptions so difficult. In Seed from the East, the Holts earnestly prayed for their way, even saying “the devil and all his angels can’t keep them [wanting adopters and Korean-born children] apart.” The Holts depended on proxy adoptions to continue their business.
By the summer of 1956, Harry reported that he was “having trouble finding the little ones”. (p. 27) At this time the Holts had already given 750 wanting Christian couples approval for a child. By fall, the Holts were “deluged” with additional inquiries. (p. 29) In October, Harry made a radical decision to go ahead and assign full Korean children to Caucasian families (instead of only mixed race children) “since the numbers of families wanting children increased far beyond the number of Amerasian children available.” (p. 33) Before Christmas of that same year, they received 300 letters including 96 more inquiries for children. (p. 35)
1957-1958: “Swamped” with Requests for Children
The Holts feared that the U.S. Welfare Agency would make “serious trouble,” (p. 37) which could possibly slow down or halt their business activities. They mailed 6000 cards, advising their followers to write their Senators regarding the “Orphan” Bill. (p. 37) The Holts wholeheartedly believed that they were working God’s will rather than selfishly fulfilling their own stubborn wants. Harry used Samuel 2:8 to affirm his activities:“Surely He raiseth the poor out of the dust and lifteth up the beggar from the dung hill, to set him among princes and to make them inherit the thrown of glory.” (p. 36) He believed that adopted children were “the first fruits of this Christian labor of love.” (p. 39) In contrast, however, the well-being of the Korean families were not considered. The Holts focused solely on giving the children to wanting and waiting couples.
Harry also traveled to Mexico to see if there were “orphans” available (p. 39) but the Mexican authorities were “insulted” when he asked if he could send the children to North Americans (p. 40). Eventually he found a governor who was favorable to the idea. He also traveled to Germany and Austria but was unsuccessful there (p. 40). Upon returning from a worldwide search, he decided to build a compound in Mexico within that year. (p. 41)
During the first few years, the Holts continuously introduced extensions to the Refugee Act and the Orphan Bill. Once during this time, Harry blew up at the U.S. Embassy in Seoul for their delays in issuing proxy adoption visas. (pp. 51-52) Seventy waiting Christian couples had already paid their fees. The Holts mailed 92 letters from people who had already adopted. Only 22 visas were issued on October 22 but on Oct. 31, the Holt team still managed to take 80 Korean children. (pp. 51-52)
The Holt’s “Glad” file (consisting of records showing processed adoptions) expanded to five filing drawers in their home office. (p. 62) When an American newspaper included a photo of an adopted and barefoot Korean boy eating from a paper plate and sitting on the ground of his American home, Harry told Bertha “never let anyone in Korea see the picture.” (p. 72) Ultimately he feared the Koreans would stop allowing the children overseas because the child was pictured barefoot. (In today’s advertising campaign geared to potential parents and financial donors, the children are shown smiling with their new parents. It is also interesting to note that in many cases the wanting couples are led to believe the child belongs to them even prior to obtaining the child. This is the agency’s deceptive way to get the couple emotionally attached prior to receiving the child so that the couple will pay “whatever it takes” to follow through with the adoption. Big bright and beautiful photos of children are shown in Holts marketing campaign, but rarely happy children with their Asian families. Some might consider this type of advertising as propaganda)
The Holt team prepared and mailed 3500 New Year greetings, finding this an effective way to gain a solid following and gain requests for more children. (p. 78) By the end of 1958, the Holts had joyfully sent 1069 Korean children to foreign Christian couples. (pp. 79-80)
1959 Counseling More Mothers!
By winter of 1959, the Holt compound grew to 7000 square feet, including multiple buildings. 50 Koreans had been trained to help and Bertha boasted many American adopters asked for a second child after receiving the first one. The Holts were “flooded” with phone calls and nothing seemed to discourage Bertha--not even an article reporting “bad” adoption cases such as death. (pp. 44, 45, 66, 68) Instead she praised that controversy brought “an avalanche of inquiries” from interested people. (p. 81)
That same winter, the Holts biological daughter wrote that their Korean liaison did a “good job” talking to mothers when they went to the country in search for children. (p. 82) The Holts would introduce themselves, give a reason for the visit, hand out a religious brochure and preach such stories as “Buddha’s bones are still in his grave, but Jesus’ grave is empty.” (p. 87) Sometimes, the team might show photos of smiling Korean children with Caucasian families, and then ask the Korean mother if she had ever thought of letting her child go to America. Molly wrote that the mothers had always admitted to thinking about it. That particular May, Bertha reported that 20 “quietly sobbing” mothers watched their children leave for the states by airplane. (p. 88) Bertha documented how another Korean mother remained calm while signing the paperwork, but “sobbed convulsively” as the Holts pulled away and her child waved good-bye. (p. 88)
Bertha’s accounts at the Holt compound causes us to become disturbed over the amount of children who died in their care. Were the children really orphans? We wonder why the Holts did not suggest for the Korean parents to help wean and tend to their children in their commune. For example, it is mentioned by 1959 that 85 children died. Was this death rate higher than normal? Could the deaths have been prevented if the Korean parents were allowed inside the commune and involved with their children’s care.
At times, it is mentioned that the Holts admitted children to the compound even without acquiring written permission from parents. For instance, they took a child from a grandmother and from the orphanage superintendent based on his fear that the child’s mother would “sell her as a slave” because the child’s father was an African-American. No proof of this fear was ever given and the child was taken into the compound. (p. 89)
The Holts use their evangelical friends to peruse and pursue more children, scouring the country regularly to promote their program in neighboring orphanages and by talking with fellow administrators. Their efforts expanded to any area they could reach. Harry even traveled to Baja California where he hoped to find children who “might be made adoptable” after a flood had hit the town. (p. 100) Instead of looking for extended family members who could provide care, the Holts hurried to devastated or rural areas with plans to immediately send children to waiting couples who had paid the fees.
The Holts wanted to make a clear distinction between them and other agencies. They would maintain that they did not “sell” children but rather provided a “service” of obtaining children for wanting couples. The November Newsletter of 1959 became the Holts first official regular mailer, in which children are continuously called “orphans.” (Today, they are called children “served”) The current news of the day was that the Mexican Government did not allow resident missionaries. The Holts had found a way into the country by working with the “orphans” thereby “preaching” with their actions. At this time the Holts planned to provide care to pregnant women via what they called “unwed” mothers with “illegitimate” children. Their hope was to provide services “through this difficult time” of pregnancy.
In December of 1959, Harry wrote home concerning his idea of sending “our orphans” to Paraguay, a country he believed to be “begging for immigrants” with plans to start a “colony with girls” due to having a friend who owned “several thousand acres.” (p. 101)
1960-1964 “House Slaves”
The Holts found that using fellow Christians to further their program was an effective way to distribute awareness of their work, gain money and expand their practices. January of 1960, the Holts received $7000 in donations from Newsletter recipients and others. (p. 108) In the Fall Newsletter, Bertha wrote her interpretation of Korean culture, spreading false information, generalities, and stereotypes to their readership. One such sweeping statement told by Bertha was that since “orphan girls” were without fathers “no one will want to marry her.” (p. 118) This motivated Mr. Holt to start a “teenage program” for older females where the girls would “work eight hours, cooking, cleaning, serving, helping in the office, or with babies and children, or at various other tasks.” (p. 118) She wrote, “They attend an adult school in the afternoon until 9:00 P.M.” This program, in the eyes of Holts, would prevent the girls from becoming “house slaves.” (p. 118)
That year ended with the Holts sending out 4000 New Year’s Greetings with 2580 Newsletter to their American supporters. (p. 124) In the West, the Holts were hailed as modern-day saints. A made for television movie, several newspaper and magazine articles helped to increase the family’s wealth and boost their reputation.
Summer of 1961, Bertha and children moved to the South Korea to join Harry. (p. 133) Bertha experienced firsthand life at the commune. One day that summer, she mentioned that Harry had “wasted” an entire day waiting for a toddler “whose mother didn’t bring her.” (p. 139) A few days later Bertha reported that the Korean teenagers were becoming more disrespectful, refusing to carry out “orders” and even formed a “self-government,” leading their own. (p. 139) By fall, Bertha complained in her diary that they had even more teenagers who refused to work. She wrote “Now we had 100 teenage girls who were a big headache.” (p. 143)
January of 1963, the Holts held “evangelistic meetings” four nights a week at their compound. One sermon asked whether the listener would go to heaven or hell. (pp. 179-180) Scare tactics? The isolated Korean children were solely under the influence of the Holts and their evangelists. The Holts got licensed to operate an agency in Oregon. By this time they had transported 2734 Korean children overseas. (p. 180) Summer of 1963, the Holts sent out 4000 additional Newsletters to their American supporters. (p. 180)
In 1964, ten years after the Holts first became motivated to visit Korea and take eight Amerasian children for their family and thousands of full-blooded Korean children for fellow Christians, the Holts had finally run out of wanting Christian families. (p. 199) Instead of stopping their activities (that began with the intent to give children to Christians only), they “reluctantly” changed their policy to allow NonChristians to adopt. Bertha ended her book, writing that this change was of great controversy back then and still today. (p. 199) She prayed “even more earnestly that every adopted child would become a born-again Christian.” Harry Holt died April of 1964.
For the Love of Children:
Bertha Holt tirelessly continued adoption work, accumulating at least forty awards in her lifetime. She is so revered and renowned in the West that there is even an elementary school named after her. This tenacious woman passed away August of 2000. Harry and Bertha Holt did not only find new families for children but they changed the laws all over the world to allow children to be dislocated from parents easily and economically. A total of 157,145 South Korean children have been removed from his or her family between 1958 and 2005. For every child, there are several family members who are impinged upon for the rest of their lives. No adoptee that I know of, have been given their parents’ death certificates, proving our status as orphans as claimed by the agencies. The Holts have penetrated their practices into countries all over the world. Holt International’s 2005 Annual Report shows that with the help of their partners, they have “served” 47,942 children just for that year. That same year, it’s interesting to note, Holt International received almost $20 million dollars in revenues and other support. Adoption agencies have already established businesses in one hundred countries. Rather than advocating family counseling, support and resources (which would have made less profit--although they now show an attempt due to being scrutinized), the agencies get paid very well when they send the child overseas. Their non-profit status helps to deceive the public into believing they are providing a service for everyone involved. While it was intended for the adopted children to live utopian lives, how are the parents left behind still coping?
How are the Mothers Today?
The Holt agency has a published book called To my Beloved Baby: Writings of Birth Mothers, which cannot be found in the U.S. Unlike the stereotypical birth mother, these women were not teens, like the public has been led to believe. These mothers believed they had no right to offer their own “inferior” love to their babies. In fact, these modest women assumed that they would receive God’s blessing for releasing their children to the agency as if it was GOD who had arranged for their babies to be placed with a more “admirable” family. Sadly, these mothers assumed their children would come back for them. One mother shared how the doctor, nurse, and birth father tried to reassure her decision to relinquish her rights by reminding her she needed to be “cheery” for when her child returned as an adult. (Mothers, 2005) A false promise? Another 32-year-old mother told of how she cried for days after leaving her baby with Holt. (Mothers, 2005) A 37-year-old mother confided that the pastor had named her son out of the hope that the baby would be a follower of Jesus. (Mothers, 2005) Another mother cried, “Why did you take after your unworthy mother?” (Mothers, 2005) Counseling sessions led her to believe her baby might have an easier life by being adopted abroad, so she chose that route. (Mothers, 2005) These mothers hoped they were doing the “right” thing in conjunction with the agency’s religious beliefs.
Did the birth parents know that they were relinquishing all rights from ever having future contact or a reunion? Did the agency educate them over the long-term ramifications and the impact resulting from sending their child overseas? Were these vulnerable mothers given a pressure-free choice?
Using a belief that God had ordained the Holts (and still does) to move children to “new” and “improved” families, the Holts have radically changed the lives of hundreds of thousands of families and children worldwide and continue to do so. This article is dedicated to all adoptees who have committed suicide, including one of Holt’s adopted sons, Joe (1984), and another Korean-born adoptee (Eric Lew Jones) sent to the infamous Christian cult leader Jim Jones (best known for inducing his 900 followers to drink cyanide-laced Flavor Aid, which led to their death). May these two young men and all families separated by adoption be nurtured by the Great Mother of the Universe.
http://www.holtintl.org/insstats.shtml
Bertha Holt, Bring My Sons From Afar, Holt Children’s Services,
Eugene Oregon, 1986
Writings of Birth Mothers, To My Beloved Baby, Holt Children’s Services, Seoul South Korea, 2005
Mark Baker, The Register Guard, Children Changing Lives,” OregonLife, 2006
http://www.nndb.com/people/026/000031930/
Par Janine Vance
A Brief Historical Overview of the Life and Times of Harry and Bertha Holt and the Origin of International Adoption.
- 1954-1955 Discovering Amerasian Children
- 1956 "Having Trouble Finding Little Ones"
- 1957-1958 "Swamped" with Requests for Children
- 1959 Counseling More Mothers
- 1960-1964 "House Slaves?"
- For the Love of Children
- How are the Mothers Today?
Bertha Marian Holt was born in 1905 to Clifford and Eva Holt. She married Harry Holt, a first cousin (Mark Baker, 2006), on December 31, 1927 and eventually they had six children together. In 1954, Harry and Bertha Holt were convinced that God had sent them on a mission to obtain and raise eight South Korean-born Amerasian (American-Korean or mixed-race) children, in addition to the Holts own. (p. 4 & 8) By Autumn of 1955, hundreds of fellow Americans visited the Holt farm in Oregon each week “begging” for a child. The public’s main interest was to “see what the children look like” since they, too, were considering adoption. (p. 9) There was so much media attention that the Holts continued to receive at least 50 daily letters and applications from every state but two. They used this national interest to publicize their loyalty to Christianity. Due to being evangelists and “born-again” Christians, it was the Holts’ desire and priority to give the Korean-born Amerasian children to Christians only. (p. 12)
The Holts used an inexpensive and efficient procedure called “Adoption by Proxy,” considered (what the Holt’s called) a Christian “triumph” against the United States Government. (p. 12) The wanting Christian couple would give Harry Power of Attorney. He would then represent their desires and obtain the children under Korean law. The children would finally come to the U.S. as sons and daughters belonging to the wanting couples. Determined to fill the demand of numerous letters from wanting adopters, the Holts set up post in Seoul hoping to get their hands on more children. Famous friend and reverend, Billy Graham, dedicated their Reception Center. By Christmas of 1955, the Holts receive “thousands” of letters, including 50 inquiries for children each day for a week. (p. 12)
The Holts mention some minor setbacks in 1955. Many established missionaries in Seoul had already reserved the children for their friends. (p. 12) Also, some Korean mothers wanted to wait for the return of their children’s American fathers instead of agreeing to release their children. Other problems came in the form of letters or crank calls, accusing Harry of bringing home “slant-eyed Orientals” or “slant-eyed monsters.” (p. 13) Harry and Bertha dismissed the issue of racism when it came to the incoming children, not realizing that it existed and that it could become the crux of many issues for the inter-racial adoptee to face, isolated. They also did not recognize that their biological daughter made a racially insensitive remark when she affectionately called a Korean-Black child “monkey-face.” (p. 28)
The biggest upset for adoptees and adoptive parents, when reading Bertha Holt’s book Bring My Sons from Afar published by Holt International Children’s Services, was to learn that the Holt’s had called the children “orphans” even though the Holts had collected the children from mothers and they continue to do so today. According to Bertha memoir, in 1954 Harry Holt (with the help of a Korean liaison or a team of followers) actually “hunted” for Amerasian children and “talked to mothers,” sometimes showing photos of children in the United States, while passing out religious pamphlets. (p. 13) Harry wrote that one mother was almost hysterical when taking her child off her back. (p. 16) She misunderstood Harry’s intention, believing that she would be able to stay in touch with her child. The mother didn’t realize that adoption was, as Harry Holt told Bertha, according to her book, “a clean break and forever.” (p. 13)
1956 "Having Trouble Finding Little Ones"
Harry mentions how a “sobbing” mother unable to speak, was “afraid” to give him her baby and some children were “kicking and screaming.” He attempted to comfort the mothers by preaching to them his Christian beliefs, leading many to believe that they would be rewarded by God for giving away their children. After Holt took the children, he sent them to his compound, labeling and showing them as “orphans” in the West so he could send them overseas via the Orphan Bill, a process that he and his cohorts introduced to Congress. The Orphan Bill gave the impression that the children were parentless. This was a lie. Early on, Harry had set up a non-profit bank account and called it “Orphan Foundation Fund” (p. 18) so he could take tax-deductible donations from fellow Americans to help fund the Holt’s desires. Gifts to this account helped to enlarge what would become their empire.
The American Social Agency “denounced” proxy adoptions “furiously” and the Holts perceived opposition or criticisms as “devilish schemes,” accusing the American agency of printing “propaganda” against overseas adoption. (p. 16) Bertha even complained in her memoir that due to the long governmental process, some Korean mothers took their children back home even though the Holts had already assigned these children to American couples. She believed legislatures were “shameful” for making adoptions so difficult. In Seed from the East, the Holts earnestly prayed for their way, even saying “the devil and all his angels can’t keep them [wanting adopters and Korean-born children] apart.” The Holts depended on proxy adoptions to continue their business.
By the summer of 1956, Harry reported that he was “having trouble finding the little ones”. (p. 27) At this time the Holts had already given 750 wanting Christian couples approval for a child. By fall, the Holts were “deluged” with additional inquiries. (p. 29) In October, Harry made a radical decision to go ahead and assign full Korean children to Caucasian families (instead of only mixed race children) “since the numbers of families wanting children increased far beyond the number of Amerasian children available.” (p. 33) Before Christmas of that same year, they received 300 letters including 96 more inquiries for children. (p. 35)
1957-1958: “Swamped” with Requests for Children
The Holts feared that the U.S. Welfare Agency would make “serious trouble,” (p. 37) which could possibly slow down or halt their business activities. They mailed 6000 cards, advising their followers to write their Senators regarding the “Orphan” Bill. (p. 37) The Holts wholeheartedly believed that they were working God’s will rather than selfishly fulfilling their own stubborn wants. Harry used Samuel 2:8 to affirm his activities:“Surely He raiseth the poor out of the dust and lifteth up the beggar from the dung hill, to set him among princes and to make them inherit the thrown of glory.” (p. 36) He believed that adopted children were “the first fruits of this Christian labor of love.” (p. 39) In contrast, however, the well-being of the Korean families were not considered. The Holts focused solely on giving the children to wanting and waiting couples.
Harry also traveled to Mexico to see if there were “orphans” available (p. 39) but the Mexican authorities were “insulted” when he asked if he could send the children to North Americans (p. 40). Eventually he found a governor who was favorable to the idea. He also traveled to Germany and Austria but was unsuccessful there (p. 40). Upon returning from a worldwide search, he decided to build a compound in Mexico within that year. (p. 41)
During the first few years, the Holts continuously introduced extensions to the Refugee Act and the Orphan Bill. Once during this time, Harry blew up at the U.S. Embassy in Seoul for their delays in issuing proxy adoption visas. (pp. 51-52) Seventy waiting Christian couples had already paid their fees. The Holts mailed 92 letters from people who had already adopted. Only 22 visas were issued on October 22 but on Oct. 31, the Holt team still managed to take 80 Korean children. (pp. 51-52)
The Holt’s “Glad” file (consisting of records showing processed adoptions) expanded to five filing drawers in their home office. (p. 62) When an American newspaper included a photo of an adopted and barefoot Korean boy eating from a paper plate and sitting on the ground of his American home, Harry told Bertha “never let anyone in Korea see the picture.” (p. 72) Ultimately he feared the Koreans would stop allowing the children overseas because the child was pictured barefoot. (In today’s advertising campaign geared to potential parents and financial donors, the children are shown smiling with their new parents. It is also interesting to note that in many cases the wanting couples are led to believe the child belongs to them even prior to obtaining the child. This is the agency’s deceptive way to get the couple emotionally attached prior to receiving the child so that the couple will pay “whatever it takes” to follow through with the adoption. Big bright and beautiful photos of children are shown in Holts marketing campaign, but rarely happy children with their Asian families. Some might consider this type of advertising as propaganda)
The Holt team prepared and mailed 3500 New Year greetings, finding this an effective way to gain a solid following and gain requests for more children. (p. 78) By the end of 1958, the Holts had joyfully sent 1069 Korean children to foreign Christian couples. (pp. 79-80)
1959 Counseling More Mothers!
By winter of 1959, the Holt compound grew to 7000 square feet, including multiple buildings. 50 Koreans had been trained to help and Bertha boasted many American adopters asked for a second child after receiving the first one. The Holts were “flooded” with phone calls and nothing seemed to discourage Bertha--not even an article reporting “bad” adoption cases such as death. (pp. 44, 45, 66, 68) Instead she praised that controversy brought “an avalanche of inquiries” from interested people. (p. 81)
That same winter, the Holts biological daughter wrote that their Korean liaison did a “good job” talking to mothers when they went to the country in search for children. (p. 82) The Holts would introduce themselves, give a reason for the visit, hand out a religious brochure and preach such stories as “Buddha’s bones are still in his grave, but Jesus’ grave is empty.” (p. 87) Sometimes, the team might show photos of smiling Korean children with Caucasian families, and then ask the Korean mother if she had ever thought of letting her child go to America. Molly wrote that the mothers had always admitted to thinking about it. That particular May, Bertha reported that 20 “quietly sobbing” mothers watched their children leave for the states by airplane. (p. 88) Bertha documented how another Korean mother remained calm while signing the paperwork, but “sobbed convulsively” as the Holts pulled away and her child waved good-bye. (p. 88)
Bertha’s accounts at the Holt compound causes us to become disturbed over the amount of children who died in their care. Were the children really orphans? We wonder why the Holts did not suggest for the Korean parents to help wean and tend to their children in their commune. For example, it is mentioned by 1959 that 85 children died. Was this death rate higher than normal? Could the deaths have been prevented if the Korean parents were allowed inside the commune and involved with their children’s care.
At times, it is mentioned that the Holts admitted children to the compound even without acquiring written permission from parents. For instance, they took a child from a grandmother and from the orphanage superintendent based on his fear that the child’s mother would “sell her as a slave” because the child’s father was an African-American. No proof of this fear was ever given and the child was taken into the compound. (p. 89)
The Holts use their evangelical friends to peruse and pursue more children, scouring the country regularly to promote their program in neighboring orphanages and by talking with fellow administrators. Their efforts expanded to any area they could reach. Harry even traveled to Baja California where he hoped to find children who “might be made adoptable” after a flood had hit the town. (p. 100) Instead of looking for extended family members who could provide care, the Holts hurried to devastated or rural areas with plans to immediately send children to waiting couples who had paid the fees.
The Holts wanted to make a clear distinction between them and other agencies. They would maintain that they did not “sell” children but rather provided a “service” of obtaining children for wanting couples. The November Newsletter of 1959 became the Holts first official regular mailer, in which children are continuously called “orphans.” (Today, they are called children “served”) The current news of the day was that the Mexican Government did not allow resident missionaries. The Holts had found a way into the country by working with the “orphans” thereby “preaching” with their actions. At this time the Holts planned to provide care to pregnant women via what they called “unwed” mothers with “illegitimate” children. Their hope was to provide services “through this difficult time” of pregnancy.
In December of 1959, Harry wrote home concerning his idea of sending “our orphans” to Paraguay, a country he believed to be “begging for immigrants” with plans to start a “colony with girls” due to having a friend who owned “several thousand acres.” (p. 101)
1960-1964 “House Slaves”
The Holts found that using fellow Christians to further their program was an effective way to distribute awareness of their work, gain money and expand their practices. January of 1960, the Holts received $7000 in donations from Newsletter recipients and others. (p. 108) In the Fall Newsletter, Bertha wrote her interpretation of Korean culture, spreading false information, generalities, and stereotypes to their readership. One such sweeping statement told by Bertha was that since “orphan girls” were without fathers “no one will want to marry her.” (p. 118) This motivated Mr. Holt to start a “teenage program” for older females where the girls would “work eight hours, cooking, cleaning, serving, helping in the office, or with babies and children, or at various other tasks.” (p. 118) She wrote, “They attend an adult school in the afternoon until 9:00 P.M.” This program, in the eyes of Holts, would prevent the girls from becoming “house slaves.” (p. 118)
That year ended with the Holts sending out 4000 New Year’s Greetings with 2580 Newsletter to their American supporters. (p. 124) In the West, the Holts were hailed as modern-day saints. A made for television movie, several newspaper and magazine articles helped to increase the family’s wealth and boost their reputation.
Summer of 1961, Bertha and children moved to the South Korea to join Harry. (p. 133) Bertha experienced firsthand life at the commune. One day that summer, she mentioned that Harry had “wasted” an entire day waiting for a toddler “whose mother didn’t bring her.” (p. 139) A few days later Bertha reported that the Korean teenagers were becoming more disrespectful, refusing to carry out “orders” and even formed a “self-government,” leading their own. (p. 139) By fall, Bertha complained in her diary that they had even more teenagers who refused to work. She wrote “Now we had 100 teenage girls who were a big headache.” (p. 143)
January of 1963, the Holts held “evangelistic meetings” four nights a week at their compound. One sermon asked whether the listener would go to heaven or hell. (pp. 179-180) Scare tactics? The isolated Korean children were solely under the influence of the Holts and their evangelists. The Holts got licensed to operate an agency in Oregon. By this time they had transported 2734 Korean children overseas. (p. 180) Summer of 1963, the Holts sent out 4000 additional Newsletters to their American supporters. (p. 180)
In 1964, ten years after the Holts first became motivated to visit Korea and take eight Amerasian children for their family and thousands of full-blooded Korean children for fellow Christians, the Holts had finally run out of wanting Christian families. (p. 199) Instead of stopping their activities (that began with the intent to give children to Christians only), they “reluctantly” changed their policy to allow NonChristians to adopt. Bertha ended her book, writing that this change was of great controversy back then and still today. (p. 199) She prayed “even more earnestly that every adopted child would become a born-again Christian.” Harry Holt died April of 1964.
For the Love of Children:
Bertha Holt tirelessly continued adoption work, accumulating at least forty awards in her lifetime. She is so revered and renowned in the West that there is even an elementary school named after her. This tenacious woman passed away August of 2000. Harry and Bertha Holt did not only find new families for children but they changed the laws all over the world to allow children to be dislocated from parents easily and economically. A total of 157,145 South Korean children have been removed from his or her family between 1958 and 2005. For every child, there are several family members who are impinged upon for the rest of their lives. No adoptee that I know of, have been given their parents’ death certificates, proving our status as orphans as claimed by the agencies. The Holts have penetrated their practices into countries all over the world. Holt International’s 2005 Annual Report shows that with the help of their partners, they have “served” 47,942 children just for that year. That same year, it’s interesting to note, Holt International received almost $20 million dollars in revenues and other support. Adoption agencies have already established businesses in one hundred countries. Rather than advocating family counseling, support and resources (which would have made less profit--although they now show an attempt due to being scrutinized), the agencies get paid very well when they send the child overseas. Their non-profit status helps to deceive the public into believing they are providing a service for everyone involved. While it was intended for the adopted children to live utopian lives, how are the parents left behind still coping?
How are the Mothers Today?
The Holt agency has a published book called To my Beloved Baby: Writings of Birth Mothers, which cannot be found in the U.S. Unlike the stereotypical birth mother, these women were not teens, like the public has been led to believe. These mothers believed they had no right to offer their own “inferior” love to their babies. In fact, these modest women assumed that they would receive God’s blessing for releasing their children to the agency as if it was GOD who had arranged for their babies to be placed with a more “admirable” family. Sadly, these mothers assumed their children would come back for them. One mother shared how the doctor, nurse, and birth father tried to reassure her decision to relinquish her rights by reminding her she needed to be “cheery” for when her child returned as an adult. (Mothers, 2005) A false promise? Another 32-year-old mother told of how she cried for days after leaving her baby with Holt. (Mothers, 2005) A 37-year-old mother confided that the pastor had named her son out of the hope that the baby would be a follower of Jesus. (Mothers, 2005) Another mother cried, “Why did you take after your unworthy mother?” (Mothers, 2005) Counseling sessions led her to believe her baby might have an easier life by being adopted abroad, so she chose that route. (Mothers, 2005) These mothers hoped they were doing the “right” thing in conjunction with the agency’s religious beliefs.
Did the birth parents know that they were relinquishing all rights from ever having future contact or a reunion? Did the agency educate them over the long-term ramifications and the impact resulting from sending their child overseas? Were these vulnerable mothers given a pressure-free choice?
Using a belief that God had ordained the Holts (and still does) to move children to “new” and “improved” families, the Holts have radically changed the lives of hundreds of thousands of families and children worldwide and continue to do so. This article is dedicated to all adoptees who have committed suicide, including one of Holt’s adopted sons, Joe (1984), and another Korean-born adoptee (Eric Lew Jones) sent to the infamous Christian cult leader Jim Jones (best known for inducing his 900 followers to drink cyanide-laced Flavor Aid, which led to their death). May these two young men and all families separated by adoption be nurtured by the Great Mother of the Universe.
http://www.holtintl.org/insstats.shtml
Bertha Holt, Bring My Sons From Afar, Holt Children’s Services,
Eugene Oregon, 1986
Writings of Birth Mothers, To My Beloved Baby, Holt Children’s Services, Seoul South Korea, 2005
Mark Baker, The Register Guard, Children Changing Lives,” OregonLife, 2006
http://www.nndb.com/people/026/000031930/
13 août 2008
South Korea Debates International Adoption
Voir la version originale "South Korea Debates International Adoption"
dans VOA NewsSeoul
13 Août 2008
Le reportage de Stother. Download (MP3)
La Corée du Sud débat sur l'adoption internationale.
Depuis les années 1950, la Corée du Sud a envoyé plus de 150000 enfants orphelins pour vivre avec des familles occidentales. C'est en partie dû à un préjugé que de nombreux Coréens ont, à prendre des enfants qui ne sont pas les leurs. Mais un nombre croissant d'avocats appellent à mettre fin à l'adoption internationale et s'efforcent d'encourager les familles coréennes à adopter. Jason Strother, de Séoul.
Han Yeon-hee, son mari et leurs sept enfants sont montés à bord de leur mini van familial. Leurs enfants sont âgés de 7 à 28 ans. Mais un seul est l'enfant biologique du couple. Han dit qu'elle a adopté six enfants parce qu'elle ne voulait pas voir un enfant grandir sans famille. Elle dit qu'avant même d'être mariée, elle voulait non seulement avoir son propre enfant, mais aussi en adopter un. Elle n'a jamais pensé qu'elle finirait par en adopter autant.
Mis à part la grandeur, la famille de Han est unique parce que la plupart des Coréens n'envisagent pas l'adoption. À un orphelinat de Séoul, environ 40 enfants s'assoient pour le déjeuner. Selon les défenseurs de l'adoption, des milliers d'enfants sud-coréens vivent dans ces institutions. La plupart ont été abandonnés par des mères célibataires ou des parents qui ne pouvaient pas s'occuper d'eux. Lorsqu'un enfant atteint ses trois mois, les chances qu'il soit adopté deviennent minces.
Soon-Chun Gul, est le directeur de MPAK - Mission to Promote Adoption in Korea (Mission pour promouvoir l'adoption en Corée). Il explique que le préjugé est la principale raison des familles coréennes pour ne pas adopter. Chun dit que de nombreux Coréens pensent qu'ils doivent maintenir la lignée familiale, alors il est difficile pour de nombreuses personnes d'avoir un esprit ouvert envers l'adoption d'enfants d'une autre famille. Il ajoute que beaucoup de gens ont des préjugés sur les orphelins, et pensent qu'ils ont des défauts génétiques ou que leurs parents sont alcooliques ou ont des problèmes mentaux.
Depuis la fin de la guerre de Corée en 1953, la Corée du Sud s'est fiée sur les familles de l'Ouest, principalement des États-Unis, pour adopter ses enfants orphelins. Mais cette pratique a un nombre croissant de critiques. Les leaders de l'opposition sont des adoptés sud-coréens qui, en tant qu'adultes, sont retournés vivre dans leur pays naissance.
Kim Stoker, qui a été adoptée par une famille américaine en 1972, représente un groupe appelé Adoptees Solidarity Korea. Elle affirme que le gouvernement devrait essayer d'aider les mères célibataires, au lieu de les encourager à envoyer leurs enfants à l'étranger. "Au lieu de développer des programmes de bien-être social, [le gouvernement sud-coréen], il est devenu dépendant du programme de l'adoption internationale pour s'occuper de certains aspects de la société, et ils n'ont jamais eu à développer aucune sorte de filet de sécurité sociale parce qu'ils ont l'adoption internationale», a déclaré Stoker.
Stoker considère que l'adoption internationale est une violation, non seulement des droits humains de la mère mais aussi de l'enfant. Elle dit que c'est quelque chose que les gens des pays adoptifs ne comprennent pas. "Vous savez, les gens ont cette attitude que les adoptés devraient être reconnaissants», a-t-elle dit. "Reconnaissants, pourquoi? Ne pas être élevée avec la femme qui m'a donné naissance? Devrais-je être reconnaissante d'avoir été enlevée de ma culture, de ma langue, de mes collègues, des gens qui sont de ma race?"
Chun Soon-gul de MPAK dit que lui aussi, souhaiterait voir la fin des adoptions internationales, un jour. Mais pour l'instant, plus de travail doit être fait pour aider les milliers d'enfants sud-coréens qui grandissent dans des orphelinats. Il dit que sans l'argent ou le soutien d'une famille pour entrer à l'université, il est facile pour les orphelins de rester en arrière. Chun dit que lorsque des orphelins atteignent leurs 18 ans et doivent quitter l'orphelinat, il est très difficile pour eux de mener une vie normale. Il est difficile pour eux de trouver un bon emploi rémunéré et ils finissent par se trouver au bas de la société. Chun dit que la Corée a besoin d'avoir plus de familles, comme Han Yeon-hee, qui soient prêtes à offrir aux orphelins des foyers d'amour.
De retour à la maison de Han, Hannah, huit ans, pratique ses leçons de piano. Han dit qu'elle sait qu'il faudra beaucoup de temps pour que les autres familles coréennes surmontent leurs préjugés envers les orphelins. Elle espère que sa famille pourra être en mesure de changer les attitudes envers l'adoption. Elle dit qu'en Corée, il n'y a pas de bons modèles pour l'adoption. Elle dit que les gens pensaient que l'adoption était une honte ou ils gardaient le secret. Elle espère que ses enfants peuvent être de bons exemples.
Le travail de Han Yeon-hee et MPAK pourrait porter fruits. L'année dernière, pour la première fois depuis que l'adoption internationale a commencé en Corée du Sud, il y a eu plus d'enfants pris en charge par des familles coréennes que d'enfants envoyés à l'étranger.
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